WASHINGTON (The New York Times): The chairman of the House Judiciary Committee delivered a flurry of document demands to the executive branch and the broader Trump world on Monday that detailed the breadth of the Democrats’ investigation into possible obstruction of justice, corruption and abuse of power by President Trump and his administration.
In the two months since they took control of the House, Democrats have begun investigating members of the president’s cabinet, his businesses, his campaign, his inaugural committee and his ties to key foreign powers, including Russia and its attempts to disrupt the 2016 presidential election.
But Representative Jerrold Nadler of New York, the Judiciary Committee chairman, made clear on Monday that the new majority intends to train its attention on actions at the heart of Mr. Trump’s norm-bending presidency — actions that could conceivably form the basis of a future impeachment proceeding.
The letters from Mr. Nadler, dated March 4, went to 81 agencies, individuals and other entities tied to the president, including the Trump Organization, the Trump campaign, the Trump Foundation, the presidential inaugural committee, the White House, the Justice Department, the F.B.I. and dozens of the president’s closest aides who counseled him as he launched attacks against federal investigations into him and his associates, the press, and the federal judiciary. The committee will also investigate accusations of corruption, including possible violations of campaign finance law, the Constitution’s ban on foreign emoluments and the use of office for personal gain.
In a statement released Monday, Mr. Nadler said that it was imperative to “begin building the public record” of what he has contended are Mr. Trump’s abuses. He acknowledged that his work could replicate that of the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, who is also studying whether Mr. Trump obstructed justice, as well as federal prosecutors in New York.
But those are criminal cases, and aides to the committee noted that Congress has different evidentiary standards than the Justice Department when it comes to potential wrongdoing.
“We will act quickly to gather this information, assess the evidence, and follow the facts where they lead with full transparency with the American people,” Mr. Nadler said in his statement. “This is a critical time for our nation, and we have a responsibility to investigate these matters and hold hearings for the public to have all the facts. That is exactly what we intend to do.”
Mr. Nadler did not mention the word impeachment in any of Monday’s documents, but its specter hangs heavily over Democratic leaders.
In an interview with The New York Times last week, Mr. Nadler said that he believed Mr. Trump had committed crimes while in office and had threatened basic constitutional norms, but he added that he would need to see an overwhelming, bipartisan case against the president before pursuing a step as disruptive as impeachment. He said he did not yet see such a case.
Monday’s requests could build that case. Twice in the past half century, the House Judiciary Committee has drawn up impeachment articles based, in part, on the same themes that Mr. Nadler laid out: obstruction of justice and abuse of power.
The president and the White House have repeatedly rejected accusations of wrongdoing, arguing that the president is innocent of many accusations and has broad powers in his office to run the government as he chooses.
Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the White House press secretary, confirmed on Monday that the White House had received a document request from the committee.
“The counsel’s office and relevant White House officials will review it and respond at the appropriate time,” she said.
Republicans assert that Democrats have already decided to target Mr. Trump for impeachment, saying repeatedly in recent weeks that despite public statements to the contrary, the new majority is determined to kick Mr. Trump out of office. (Even if the House were to impeach Mr. Trump, the Republican-controlled Senate would have to hold a trial and is unlikely to remove the president without an overwhelming case of wrongdoing.)
Committees in both the House and Senate have nibbled around the edges of several of the episodes raised by Mr. Nadler. But his investigation suggests a more coherent, deep investigation of the firing of James B. Comey as F.B.I. director; Mr. Trump’s attempts to remove the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III; his apparent dangling of pardons and threatening of witnesses to the investigation; and other events.
From Donald F. McGahn II, the former White House counsel, alone, Mr. Nadler requested all documents related to the resignation of Michael T. Flynn as national security adviser, the firing of Mr. Comey, attempts to fire Mr. Mueller, communications with Mr. Trump about Jeff Sessions, the president’s first attorney general, and about ongoing investigations into his presidency.
Mr. Nadler also requested documents from Annie Donaldson, Mr. McGahn’s deputy who took exhaustive notes detailing Mr. Trump’s behavior in the West Wing in real time.
Other targets include David J. Pecker, chairman of American Media Inc., which publishes the National Enquirer; Allen Weisselberg, the chief financial officer of the Trump Organization; Alan Garten, its lawyer; Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law; Mr. Sessions; and Thomas J. Barrack Jr., a close associate of Mr. Trump who led his inaugural committee.
A counsel to the Judiciary Committee said on Monday that response to the letters would determine who and when the committee calls to testify. Lawyers for Mr. Nadler are prepared for protracted negotiations and fights over certain requests.
If the recipients of the requests do not voluntarily comply, Mr. Nadler will probably issue subpoenas to compel them. But even if he does, there are practical limitations that could significantly slow his efforts if a witness were to challenge the subpoena in court.
And the White House could claim executive privilege to try to protect many of the materials central to the committee’s inquiry, including communications between Mr. Trump, Mr. McGahn and other advisers.
