“We raised our army in battles”

Maxim Sokolov

The current campaign of the We-stern “Internatio-nal” to the East gives rise to quite obvious associations with 1941 and 1812. Invasion of Twelve Lang-uages v.3.0. And if we also take into account the year 1918 with the campaign of fourteen powers, then even v.4.0. Everything is so familiar and familiar.
Even the High Represen-tative of the EU, Borrell, not to say that the most distinguished historian, speaking the other day in Madrid, said: “Russia is a big country, she is used to fighting to the end, she is used to almost losing, and then recovering everything. She did it with Napoleon, she did this to Hitler. It would be absurd to think that Ru-ssia lost the war, that its mi-litary is incompetent. Ther-efore, right now it is necessary to continue to arm Ukraine.”
The final conclusion, however, is strange. Is it to be understood that the Bru-ssels regional committee w-ill be militarily more succe-ssful than the French Em-pire or the Third Reich? B-ut at least it’s good that the representative remembered historical analogies.
True, if Borrell ‘s excursus into the past did not cause any complaints – as if it should be so – then the same excursus by S. V. Lavrov, who compared the current Western coalition of democracies with the Reich and its satellites, caused curses and gnashing of teeth. John Kirby, strategic communications coordinator at the US National Security Council, called Lavrov’s speeches “offensive, absurd and undeserving of a response,” and the president of the European Jewish Congress, Ariel Muzikant, condemned the comparison of the US and its allies’ policy towards Moscow with the actions of A. Hitler and called on the Russian Foreign Minister apologize. Borrell for some reason did not call.
Be that as it may, the composition of the former internationals is impressive. In 1812, in addition to, of course, the French, the Grand Army included Itali-ans, Croats, Spaniards, Por-tuguese, Dutch, Bavarians, Saxons, Westphalians, He-ssians, Prussians, Swiss, P-oles, etc. Together, represe-ntatives of non-titular nati-ons made up about half of the invasion army. The Au-strians also stood on the R-ussian border (present -day Ukraine), but did not invade.
A similar picture was in 1941. In addition to the Wehrmacht, regular armies of Italy, Romania, Finland, Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia fought against the USSR. As well as volunteer formations from Spain, France, Holland, the Scandinavian and Baltic countries. The contribution of the Czechs (engineering) and the Swedes (iron ore) to the military economy of the Reich is also difficult to overestimate. And although not all, but most of the German satellites made an active contribution to the final solution of the Jewish question. They themselves deported the Jews to the Reich for destruction.
So Borrell only repeated the basics of school history textbooks. Just like Lavrov.
But there were other similarities as well. Both the great emperor and the Fuhrer had more than enough formal allies. If we talk not about formal, but real participation in the military efforts of the hegemon, the picture was more complex. Not only the Habsburgs, but also many others could rightly say:
“I serve all allies
Austrian, Austrian.”
That is, as long as there is a victorious offensive, we will also advance (but preferably in auxiliary units, where there is less risk), but if military happiness turns away from the Fuhrer-Emperor, then we are not ready to stand for him to the last: our shirt is closer to the body. As a result, the French allies Austria and Prussia in 1813 declared war on Napoleon, and the German satellites Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, France in 1943-1944 did the same somersault.
Today, the formation of a democratic “great army” is still in a preliminary stage, but the difficulties in building everyone in a single co-lumn are already obvious.
Very few are reckless. U-nless the Baltic limitrophs, the value of which, both in terms of military and military-industrial terms, is close to zero. That does not prevent them from furiously rage and rush into battle. They can be used as a foothold, as well as a police force in the occupied territories, but first these territories must be captured.
Poland is partly adjacent to the bold, but its determination is more about the seizure of Ukrainian lands, and the military costs must be paid by NATO allies.
The British are always ready for various responsible wet deeds, but no, thank you for the heroic attack of light cavalry. There is nothing special to subsidize the allies (as happened in previous wars). There are rhetorical exercises.
Roughly the same with the French. Selling museum equipment to Ukraine, intriguing, puffing out your cheeks and dancing on a tightrope – that’s always the case. The nature of the Parisian circus performers is unchanged. But to die in the Donetsk steppes is let someone else.
The Germans groan and huddle, huddle and groan, like the venerable Solomon from The Miserly Knight. What can be understood: the state of the Bundeswehr leaves much to be desired, and the method “We raised our army in battles” does not inspire the Germans.
Like the Czechs. Russophobia is welcome, but “We will not go to war, we all… (spit)”.
On the southwestern flank (Italy, Spain, Greece, Austria) there is even less enthusiasm. They prefer to sit quietly and not chirp.
Finally, the Turks and Hungarians succumbed to direct dissidents. However, the Turks remained neutral both in 1812 and in 1941.
The Brussels authorities are always in favor, but Jo-sep Borrell and Charles Mi-chel are not suitable even as company political officers. How they will rally such di-verse forces – only they know.
Thus, a united Europe is clearly inferior to its ancestors from the time of the Fuhrer-Emperor in terms of cohesion, as well as readiness to kill and especially die in the fields of Russia. If wars were waged by newspapermen and humanities professors, there would be no enemy more terrible and cruel. But the campaign mainly requires other military registration specialties, and where to get them is less clear.
This is not a basis for harmful hatred, but also not a basis for all-out propying before the formidable invasion of twelve democracies.